Puff the Magic Prime Minister

Whenever I saunter past the new Prime Minister's Official Residence (the kantei; as of 2002), I am always slightly bemused to find it located where it is. Although its futuristic fortress-like structure doubtless appeals to architecture-buffs--according to the kantei's website, it is an "evocation of the simple beauty of the Japanese aesthetic"--it somehow lacks either the elusive secrecy of Downing Street or the imposing majesty of the White House; there is something self-consciously mediocre about it.

The effect is only exaggerated by the huge sky-rise towerblocks sprouting all around the kantei's little garden. The din of a new hotel getting hammered together wafts the short distance to the Parliamentary Offices of Japan's lawmakers, while the 27-floor Sanno Tower leans imposingly over the residence of Japan's numero uno. Apparently the security wonks had originally decreed that no tall buldings would be permitted around the PM's house, but it seems the draw of land prices has thrown security considerations to the wind. A good pair of binoculars (and, for that matter, a telescopic lense) could easily pick out Mr. Abe eating his breakfast or out at the weekend pruning his hedges. Potentially a rather large breach of Health & Safety.

You have to wonder if the state of an offical residence is directly proportional to the status of the nation. Britain--a sneaky figure furtively revealing itself; shut off from the public by its highly-guarded, big, black bars. The United States--a stately home which is whiter than white, commanding, and yet filled with sleaze and scandal. Japan--a dwarf amongst giants; a country that finds itself, despite its best intentions, maneuvoured into danger and insecurity...

In any case, next time you pass, listen out for the dulcet tones of Peter, Paul & Mary. Abe has revealed to his public by recent email newsletter that he is a fan of their Number 1 hit, "Puff the Magic Dragon"! Anyone feel like a smoke?


R J F Villar

I Spy.

At last Japan has managed to get a fourth so-called 'spy' satellite up and running [English here]without (so far) any hiccups. This brings the total up to four--two radar and two optical satellites--and allows the Japanese intelligence community to monitor any point on the planet within 24 hours. But, while there were cheers for a successful launch, a far cry from the November 2003 disaster in which two intelligence-gathering satellites were destroyed, this current effort was also the sad last ride of the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA), based on Tanegashima Island near Kagoshima. Future satellite launches, it has been announced, will be a private-venture affair run by the industrial giant who helped to fund the current mission, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries.

The announcement of a successful satellite launch on 24th February was followed a day later by coverage in the Asahi Shimbun concerning preliminary plans for a revamped Cabinet Intelligence Research Office (CIRO), part of the drive to bring a US-style Japanese National Security Council (JNSC) into existence. It is hoped that this will improve intelligence analysis, coordination and prompt dissemination by "breaking down bureaucratic sectionalism". Prime Minister Abe Shinzo himself has been strongly behind the effort, championed as another step in Japan's "emerging intelligence independence".

Yet, how 'independent' are these new intelligence capabilities? It is wonderful that Japan can now ogle any point on the globe within 24 hours, but the quality--at best a 60cm resolution--is worse than some commercial satellites in current production, and not a patch on the US military optics that can often pinpoint to 20cm or less. 500 billion Yen is a large pricetag for an outdated system, especially if Japan will have to continue to rely on the US for detailed imagery. Worryingly, signs have been surfacing in the media that suggest bureaucrats are laying the blame for technological inferiority at the doorstep of the 1969 Peaceful Use of Space Principle; but the link is tangental at best and is probably an attempt to restart the debate on new 'realist' space policy, which had stalled last summer.

To read the 2000 Armitage-Nye Report , many claim, is to see the blueprint for Abe's latest efforts in intelligence reform. A bright shiny JNSC may be nothing more than a merry jig to a US tune; a streamlining process to remedy functional inefficencies dictated by US gaiatsu. Yet, if you follow the flow of study-groups, think-tanks and policy-units it is clear that the Government's scope is much, much broader. An Official Secrets Act; Counter-Terrorism; an Intelligence Select Committee; and a Japanese MI6: Cutting down bureaucratic sectionalism and launching a full set of satellites are, as one official in the Cabinet Office put it, "only the beginning of the beginning."

R J F Villar

The obsession with Tony Blair and the 'Third Way'

Why oh why oh why is there such an obsession with Tony Blair and the 'Third Way'? Last week, I had the pleasure of paying a visit to the Vice-Speaker of the House of Representatives, Takahiro Yokomichi. In the traditional grandure of his official residence, I and a group of young wannabee politicians spent an hour discussing (and attacking) the state of opposition politics in Japan. But, again and again the same question would be asked: "Should we not look to the British Labour Party--Tony Blair's 'Third Way' in particular--for inspiration?" It set me ablaze. It sullies the name of all honest thinking British citizens, and those members of Britain's Labour Party who have resisted the manic deception of a Blairite Government.

After 10 years of Mr. Blair, Britain's children have the worst quality of life in OECD and a pitiful grasp of basic mathmatical concepts; British blood soaks the Arabian sands; and hospitals are a dirty, disorganised disgrace. Is this 'Labour'? Tony still offers the same lame excuse. 'Twas the Conservatives that dunnit. Well, if Tony Blair wants to celebrate the length of his mammoth tenure, he must also accept responsibility for the state of the country during that time. While the Government magically transmogrifies spiralling national debt into "the economy is booming", other countries such as Japan buy the propaganda. A recent talk for Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) interns is entitled "The British Labour Party's PR campaigns: Lessons for the DPJ". If only this was just about advertising.

The truth is, recent Labour Government PR can be summed with two concepts. Spin and Deception. It is unclear who has been in who's pocket--Tony Blair or media-baron Rupert Murdoch--but Labour 'PR' has been characterised more by private, than public, relations with its media contacts. As starkly illustrated by the Iraq War, Blairite policy has also been one of massive self-deception. "I believed Iraq had Weapons of Mass Destruction," says Monsieur Blair. Whether this was willing deception or not (and, by God, most think it was), he was wrong. The traditional thing to do--especially with the blood of 600,000 Iraqis on his hands--would be to apologise for being completely wrong and resign. But no. Blair says he really believed it so he can't be blamed. This is Blairite PR. Somehow self-belief, however spurious, extends into the realm of fact.

I admit that this is pure polemic. Tony Blair is perhaps not an inherently evil man; there are many things he has done of which I approve. Making entry to museums free for example, was a jolly good thing. Yet, a stinking cynicism and distrust has soaked into the hearts of the British public. Japan--and the DPJ--should be careful not walk roughtrod over its citizens as Blair's campaigns have done to the British.

R J F Villar

Racism in Japan?

The blogosphere and international media have been buzzing with righteous indignation recently, following the discovery of an overtly racist magazine, Gaijin Hanzai Ura Fairu ('Hidden Files of Crimes by Foreigners'), in Japanese book shops and convenience stores. The story was picked up by the online community, who called for a boycott on establishments which sold the publication, and an article in the British Guardian newspaper followed. A well-known naturalised-Japanese Human Rights activist, Arudou Debito, also published an extensive online critique of the magazine in English.

One of the many elements to which protesters objected was the line, "Oi Nigger!! Get your fuckin’ hands off that Japanese lady’s ass!!" Although many pointed out the magazine was xenophobic, racist, and clearly whipping-up racial hatred by portraying Japan's foreigner community as criminals, there is no law against incitement to racial hatred in Japan and the vernacular press remained curiously silent.

At a juncture in Japanese history when a substantial increase in immigration--and therefore 'foreign-looking' residents--is almost unavoidable due to the pressures of a rapidly aging society and the economic need for a workforce, this magazine is clearly neither going to prepare the Japanese people for an immigration boom, nor inspire foreign nationals to emigrate.

In the summer of 2005, the UN Special Envoy, Doudou Diène, reported that racism in Japan was "deep and profound," and urged legislation (which does not currently exist) to combat it. [David McNeill's excellent article for Japan Focus on the 'Diène Report' can be read here] The Japanese reaction was indignation. How, many said, could a man with so little experience of Japan fully comprehend the subtleties of Japanese society?

Top-level politicians have recently been campaigning for an end to ijime ('bullying') in schools, after a spate of suicides which were allegedly caused by victimisation meted out by teachers. Just as bullying comes in a thousand different shades--it is not merely limited to physical violence--so too does racism extend beyond apartheid measures and racially-motivated attacks. The excuse for signs such as that pictured above is often linguistic. "We do not currently have staff with the necessary language skills," is often the reply to probing inquiries. Yet, a Japanese-looking man without vocal cords would be welcomed despite the inability to speak, perhaps ordering by pointing. An absence of staff proficient in sign-language would not trigger a prohibition on the dumb. Likewise, linguistic inability is no excuse for imposing a blanket-ban on anyone who appears non-Asian.

But the manifestations of Japanese racism are not always immediately obvious. There are cases of black African men being refused entry to shops and Caucasians barred from entry to bath houses, but the racism generally encountered is of a quieter variety. Some may look away when a mentally-handicapped person walks onto the bus, worried that staring may seem rude. In Japan, this is often the case with those who look foreign. Of course, travel outside Tokyo and the screams of school-girl adulation generally follow a Caucasian-foreigner around like fleas, but more often people look the other way, fearful of causing offense.

But is this really intentional racism? Probably not. Most Japanese have had limited interaction with foreigners (be they Caucasian, Black, Asian or otherwise), and unease is really built on foundations of ignorance. Whilst there are the more right-wing members of the population, such as those that produced the Gaijin Hanzai Ura Fairu publication, most have just not had the international experience to encourage a more globally-cosmopolitan outlook.

So it is not all doom and gloom. Not all Japanese are eternally xenophobic; many are just unsure of how to react to non-Japanese strangers. However, one thing is for sure: The current policy of ignoring the issues of crime, poor education and poverty in resident foreigner communities cannot improve Japan's chances of producing adept immigration policies in the future. However misguided the recent magazine was, when its editor, Saka Shigeki, said "only by honestly discussing this issue and all it entails can we prepare our culture for this [increased immigration] radical change," he hit the nail on the head. Frank discussion is needed. The debate currently underway in the UK about the values of multiculturalism should have its bedmate here in Japan too. What is not needed, however, are examples of misleading and racist material, such as Gaijin Hanzai Ura Fairu.

R J F Villar

柔能剛制: 'Soft' Power

'Soft' Power

Any aficionado of the Japanese martial art, Judo, will have heard the phrase "柔能く剛を制す"("ju yoku gou o seisu"). In rough translation, this means "skilled softness overcomes brawn." In Judo, a small accomplished competitor can maneuver an opponent's weight in such a way that requires little brute strength to throw them. Originally coined by the Chinese philospher, Lao-zi, and much later recycled by the founder of Judo, Jigoro Kano, this short phrase has become a maxim for life.

In Foreign Policy, too, this proverb has a role. Despite the current US example, effective diplomacy does not have to rely on vast demonstrations of aggressive power. Bottom-up investment in the areas of cultural diplomacy and intelligence, combined with a commitment to multilateral institutions, has the potential to bear greater long-term fruit than unilateral military "shock and awe". Much of the success in Afghanistan, for example, was a result of the human relations built-up by British and American intelligence officers over a considerable length of time. A quick shower of gold, and an imposing military presence have neither secured Iraq in the short, or potentially, the long-term. If the 'brawn' is really necessary, it must only come after mastering the techniques of 'soft' power.

Japan, meanwhile, lingers at the cross-roads with Prime Minister Abe Shinzo screaming for constitutional revision. This is to give the Japanese - read: the Japanese 'Self-Defense' Forces - a clearer-cut role in the world. Yet is this really necessary? It is perfectly possible (if you believe thinkers such as Ozawa Ichiro or Ronald Dore) for Japan to fulfill collective security responsibliltes under the auspices of the UN with the current consitutional arrangement. With US unilateralism languishing in the doldrums, this might be an opportunity for Japan to lead the international community making use of her Constitution, instead of blaming it for somehow acting as a hindrance.

The Japanese often compare 'hard' and 'soft' governance to the "wind and the sun". On a winter's day, it is not the harsh wind that encourages us to take off our coats. Indeed, the more the wind blows the more we huddle our jackets round us. But, when the sun comes out we voluntarily shed our layers. Good governance does not necessarily mean killing things- 'soft' power can be a proactive policy too.

R J F Villar

'Guidance' on manners for DPJ interns

"A smile is the most important thing in non-verbal communication," the 'manner trainer' told us, the manic grin she had worn since entering the room still stuck firmly on her face. I found myself wondering whether she ever stopped smiling. An image of her racing outside and screaming to the four winds, brows contorted wildly, slunk into my mind.

"And what exactly, Villar-san, makes someone 'well-presented'?"

I thought for a second and replied with what I thought was a evilly cunning riposte to her sudden public interrogation. I can only assume something got lost in translation.

As it turned out, the right answers were an ironed shirt and brushed hair.

Every February, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) runs an internship programme, exposing young politicians-in-the-making to the policy process and everyday parliamentary life. This, the first in a set of lectures, was designed to tell interns what they should wear, what they should say and, most importantly of all, how to smile (note: smiling is learned through repetition of the word 'happy' in Japanese pronounciation, ad infinitum). Some elements, such as a refresher on Japanese polite-speech, were genuinely helpful, yet I couldn't help feeling the thought-police were getting a bit too carried away with protocol.

The room was filled with identically attired young men and women. For the men: Black suit, white shirt, nondescript tie, black shoes and black socks. For the women: Black trouser suit or skirt, white blouse, black socks and black not-too-high-heeled shoes. This was political boot-camp, and I was very, very out of place. I'd thought it was going to be a relaxing day so I'd dropped my pin-stripes at the dry-cleaners and my shoes were being re-soled, but as the smiling trainer expanded her questioning it soon turned out that my blazer and flannels were just not the right attire.

"If you're wearing black shoes, make sure they're polished and you're wearing black socks."

I looked down at my matt-brown loafers and red woolen socks. That was a definite miss.

"And to the men: make sure you're tie and shirt buttons are done-up."

I fiddled the buttons of my pink shirt closed and tried unsuccessfully to make the wisp of pale-blue cravat seem more tie-like. My Japanese sartorial score was a definite nil points.

Of course, politeness and attire are essentially important in the workplace. In the UK, it is generally expected you pick these things up at home, at University or by gradual osmosis, and, to be certain, this does not always work. British professional life is neither as polite nor well-mannered as the Japanese. A quick 'manner' lesson could be very useful for young graduates or newly hired shop-assistants entering the workforce.

However, the hordes of black-suited workers do not exactly encourage originality. If to differ is to be wrong, creativity is sure to take a knock. You can see the same reliance on unwritten conformity in Diet sessions or in committees. It is a problem that plagues the Japanese political world.

Those rare opposition politicians who do go on the offensive and attempt to really hammer home questions, such as ex-Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) politician Tanaka Makiko, are seen as rogue forces. Yet, going it alone has worked - former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's single-handed Postal Reform drive is a perfect example - and Japanese politics may benefit from a bit more assertive, and original, adversarial debate. However, if you spend any amount of time on the bylines of parliamentary 'debate', you quickly realize that Japanese politics is not set up to favor the brave. It is a shame because it makes discussion dry and tediously unoriginal; and a shame because the people of Japan, especially those who voted for the opposition, are denied real scrutinizing democratic representation.

R J F Villar

共生: 'Coexistence'

Kyousei

Those who have been following the changing flow of Ozawa Ichiro's rhetoric will have noticed the theme of kyousei, or 'coexistence' cropping up with regularity.

"I want to build a Japan where people can live in harmony together," Ozawa said in his speech at the beginning of this Diet Session, "in Diplomacy, a person-to-person, country-to-country 'coexistence' where peace in Japan and the international community are secured, and the 'coexistence' between man and nature...are the raisons d'Etat that I want Japan to continue to prioritise."

These are noble words. They also appeal to the Japanese people, touching on what many see as the essence of Japanese identity: nature, the seasons and the innate ability of the Japanese people to harmoniously coexist with their environment. The truth of this aside, the man on the street will often say that kyousei, rather than conflict, is the natural Japanese Way.

Sensible or Simple?

Yet, by touting 'coexistence' as his party's Foreign Policy, Ozawa may be painting the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) a shade of simple. Is kyousei actually a 'policy', or is it just good rhetoric?

As I follow the developments of current US foreign policy, four famous lines by the British poet, W H Auden (from the poem 'September 1, 1939'; full text here), often leap into my mind:

"I and the public know,
What all schoolchildren learn,
Those to whom evil are done,
Do evil in return."

The black-and-white approach to foreign policy, which led to the top-down handling of Iraq and the lack of mid-term planning for the invasion of Afghanistan, has provided ammunition for a new generation of hatred. The Iraq fiasco, built on an idealistic vision of Democracy, has, as one commentator warned before the invasion, "opened the jaws of hell". The bottom-up campaign for people's 'hearts and minds' has been forgotten, or at least mislaid. In this context, a bit of pragmatic 'coexistence' would not be a bad thing at all.

But what does this 'coexistence' actually mean for policy? Does it mean pragmatic realpolitik? Does it mean cultural diplomacy? Does it mean a greater commitment to collective security? Kyousei is an interesting base, but without a bit more flesh on the bones, it will never be anything but a bare skeleton of a Foreign Policy. But then this is perhaps asking for too much from Japanese politics. In a system where the media rarely deconstructs policy and politicians rarely make it, maybe asking for a bit more substance is going way, way over the top.

R J F Villar